If the next presidential election were held today, there's a decent chance that President Trump would be re-elected. Despite his litany of scandals and his abysmally low (yet stable) approval rating, he is benefiting enormously from a strong economy. The GDP experienced 4.2 percent growth in the second quarter of 2018, the unemployment rate is now at an 18-year low, and the stock market is booming. In perhaps the best news for Trump, one of the strongest indicators of an incumbent president's re-election prospects, consumer confidence, is at its highest level since 2000.
On Super Tuesday, Trump won the plurality of the vote, and he remained the front-runner throughout the remainder of the primaries. By March 2016, Trump became poised to win the Republican nomination. After a landslide win in Indiana on May 3, 2016—which prompted the remaining candidates Cruz and John Kasich to suspend their presidential campaigns—RNC Chairman Reince Priebus declared Trump the presumptive Republican nominee.
Trump's cabinet nominations included U.S. Senator from Alabama Jeff Sessions as Attorney General, financier Steve Mnuchin as Secretary of the Treasury, retired Marine Corps General James Mattis as Secretary of Defense, and ExxonMobil CEO Rex Tillerson as Secretary of State. Trump also brought on board politicians who had opposed him during the presidential campaign, such as neurosurgeon Ben Carson as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, and South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley as Ambassador to the United Nations.
Although Trump's early campaign filing is extraordinarily unusual, aspects of a "permanent campaign" are not entirely unprecedented in American politics. Such a phenomenon had a presence in the White House at least as early as the presidency of Bill Clinton. Under the advice of Sidney Blumenthal, Clinton's staff continued to engage in campaign methodology once in office, using polling for assistance in making decisions.
Hillary Clinton tried — and failed — to run for Barack Obama’s third term. Deval Patrick, the former Massachusetts governor, might have better luck. He’d have the unambivalent backing of much of the Obama political machine, including, it is said, Mr. Obama himself. He’s one of the few Democrats out there with Mr. Obama’s rhetorical skills and a life story to match — rising from a Chicago housing project to Harvard and Harvard Law. To be sure, Mr. Patrick’s post-office employer, Bain Capital, would dog him. But if any Democrat is capable of rebuilding the formidable Obama coalition, it’s him.
Trump's father Fred was born in 1905 in the Bronx. Fred started working with his mother in real estate when he was 15, shortly after his father's death. Their company, "E. Trump & Son",[nb 2] founded in 1923, was primarily active in the New York boroughs of Queens and Brooklyn. Fred eventually built and sold thousands of houses, barracks, and apartments. In 1971, Donald Trump was made president of the company, which was later renamed the Trump Organization.
^ Jump up to: a b Yoder, Eric (February 16, 2017). "Hiring freeze could add to government's risk, GAO chief warns". The Washington Post. 'We've looked at hiring freezes in the past by prior administrations and they haven't proven to be effective in reducing costs and they cause some problems if they're in effect for a long period of time,' Comptroller General Gene Dodaro told a House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing.
While in college from 1964 to 1968, Trump obtained four student deferments from serving in the military. In 1966, he was deemed fit for service based upon a medical examination and in July 1968, after graduating from college, was briefly classified as eligible to serve by a local draft board. In October 1968, he was given a medical deferment which he later attributed to spurs in both heels, and classified as 1-Y, "unqualified for duty except in the case of a national emergency." In the December 1969 draft lottery, Trump's birthday, June 14, received a high number which would have given him a low probability to be called to military service even without the 1-Y. In 1972, he was reclassified as 4-F, disqualifying him for service.
Upon his inauguration as president, Trump delegated the management of his real estate business to his two adult sons, Eric and Don Jr. His daughter Ivanka resigned from the Trump Organization and moved to Washington, D.C., with her husband Jared Kushner. She serves as an assistant to the president, and he is a Senior Advisor in the White House.
Trump would eventually abandon dog whistles in favor of blunter race-baiting. What remains to be seen is whether he and the Republican establishment will continue flashing the “exceptionalism” signal in the post-Obama years—to paint new opponents as un-American—or whether that language was uniquely deployed to delegitimize the nation’s first black president. At the very least, it provided fertile ground for Trumpism.
These days, Mr. Fleiss does what American TV viewers are doing in record numbers — he sits glued to cable news, watching a panel of experts discuss the latest developments in the sprawling, intricate, unpredictable 24/7 show that is Donald Trump’s presidency. “This is the future of the world and the safety of mankind and the health of the planet,” Mr. Fleiss told me. He paused. “I should’ve thought of that one.”
Donald Trump vows to "Make America Great Again," and on Tuesday, a good chunk of the Republican electorate implored him to do just that by handing him victories in Illinois, Florida, and North Carolina. If elected, Trump promises, he will restore America to its former glory and make life good again for Americans whose lives, Trump's campaign slogan implies, are no longer particularly good. For Trump's base of white, working-class men without college degrees, this message resonates: This used to be a great country for them, and now they are hurting. But for most Americans, the good old days weren't actually that good, and the "greatness" Trump talks about was delivered on the backs of large swaths of the American public. When Trump promises to "Make America Great Again," we should ask: Great for whom?
While previous presidents had held rallies in the early days of their presidency to garner support for legislation, such rallies differed from those held by Trump in that they were funded by the White House rather than by campaign committees. One of the advantages of having his campaign committee fund the events is that organizers can more discriminately screen attendees, refusing entry to non-supporters. Trump's February rally in Melbourne, Florida was the earliest campaign rally for an incumbent president.